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October 15, 2025
Many news outlets have reported an increase – or surge – in attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, or ADHD, diagnoses in both children and adults. At the same time, health care providers, teachers and school systems have reported an uptick in requests for ADHD assessments.
These reports have led some experts and parents to wonder whether ADHD is being overdiagnosed and overtreated.
As researchers who have spent our careers studying neurodevelopmental disorders like ADHD, we are concerned that fears about widespread overdiagnosis are misplaced, perhaps based on a fundamental misunderstanding of the condition.
Discussions about overdiagnosis of ADHD imply that you either have it or you don’t.
However, when epidemiologists ask people in the general population about their symptoms of ADHD, some have a few symptoms, some have a moderate level, and a few have lots of symptoms. But there is no clear dividing line between those who are diagnosed with ADHD and those who are not, since ADHD – much like blood pressure – occurs on a spectrum.
Treating mild ADHD is similar to treating mild high blood pressure – it depends on the situation. Care can be helpful when a doctor considers the details of a person’s daily life and how much the symptoms are affecting them.
Not only can ADHD symptoms be very different from person to person, but research shows that ADHD symptoms can change within an individual. For example, symptoms become more severe when the challenges of life increase.
ADHD symptoms fluctuate depending on many factors, including whether the person is at school or home, whether they have had enough sleep, if they are under a great deal of stress or if they are taking medications or other substances. Someone who has mild ADHD may not experience many symptoms while they are on vacation and well rested, for example, but they may have impairing symptoms if they have a demanding job or school schedule and have not gotten enough sleep. These people may need treatment for ADHD in certain situations but may do just fine without treatment in other situations.
This is similar to what is seen in conditions like high blood pressure, which can change from day to day or from month to month, depending on a person’s diet, stress level and many other factors.
ADHD symptoms start in early childhood and typically are at their worst in mid-to late childhood. Thus, the average age of diagnosis is between 9 and 12 years old. This age is also the time when children are transitioning from elementary school to middle school and may also be experiencing changes in their environment that make their symptoms worse.
Classes can be more challenging beginning around fifth grade than in earlier grades. In addition, the transition to middle school typically means that children move from having all their subjects taught by one teacher in a single classroom to having to change classrooms with a different teacher for each class. These changes can exacerbate symptoms that were previously well-controlled. Symptoms can also wax and wane throughout life.
Psychiatric problems that often co-occur with ADHD, such as anxiety or depression, can worsen ADHD symptoms that are already present. These conditions can also mimic ADHD symptoms, making it difficult to know which to treat. High levels of stress leading to poorer sleep, and increased demands at work or school, can also exacerbate or cause ADHD-like symptoms.
Finally, the use of some substances, such as marijuana or sedatives, can worsen, or even cause, ADHD symptoms. In addition to making symptoms worse in someone who already has an ADHD diagnosis, these factors can also push someone who has mild symptoms into full-blown ADHD, at least for a short time.
The reverse is also true: Symptoms of ADHD can be minimized or reversed in people who do not meet full diagnostic criteria once the external cause is removed.
Clinicians diagnose ADHD based on symptoms of inattention, hyperactivity and impulsivity. To make an ADHD diagnosis in children, six or more symptoms in at least one of these three categories must be present. For adults, five or more symptoms are required, but they must begin in childhood. For all ages, the symptoms must cause serious problems in at least two areas of life, such as home, school or work.
Current estimates show that the strict prevalence of ADHD is about 5% in children. In young adults, the figure drops to 3%, and it is less than 1% after age 60. Researchers use the term “strict prevalence” to mean the percentage of people who meet all of the criteria for ADHD based on epidemiological studies. It is an important number because it provides clinicians and scientists with an estimate on how many people are expected to have ADHD in a given group of people.
In contrast, the “diagnosed prevalence” is the percentage of people who have been diagnosed with ADHD based on real-world assessments by health care professionals. The diagnosed prevalence in the U.S. and Canada ranges from 7.5% to 11.1% in children under age 18. These rates are quite a bit higher than the strict prevalence of 5%.
Some researchers claim that the difference between the diagnosed prevalence and the strict prevalence means that ADHD is overdiagnosed.
We disagree. In clinical practice, the diagnostic rules allow a patient to be diagnosed with ADHD if they have most of the symptoms that cause distress, impairment or both, even when they don’t meet the full criteria. And much evidence shows that increases in the diagnostic prevalence can be attributed to diagnosing milder cases that may have been missed previously. The validity of these mild diagnoses is well-documented.
Consider children who have five inattentive symptoms and five hyperactive-impulsive symptoms. These children would not meet strict diagnostic criteria for ADHD even though they clearly have a lot of ADHD symptoms. But in clinical practice, these children would be diagnosed with ADHD if they had marked distress, disability or both because of their symptoms – in other words, if the symptoms were interfering substantially with their everyday lives.
So it makes sense that the diagnosed prevalence of ADHD is substantially higher than the strict prevalence.
People who are concerned about overdiagnosis commonly worry that people are taking medications they don’t need or that they are diverting resources away from those who need it more. Other concerns are that people may experience side effects from the medications, or that they may be stigmatized by a diagnosis.
Those concerns are important. However, there is strong evidence that underdiagnosis and undertreatment of ADHD lead to serious negative outcomes in school, work, mental health and quality of life.
In other words, the risks of not treating ADHD are well-established. In contrast, the potential harms of overdiagnosis remain largely unproven.
It is important to consider how to manage the growing number of milder cases, however. Research suggests that children and adults with less severe ADHD symptoms may benefit less from medication than those with more severe symptoms.
This raises an important question: How much benefit is enough to justify treatment? These are decisions best made in conversations between clinicians, patients and caregivers.
Because ADHD symptoms can shift with age, stress, environment and other life circumstances, treatment needs to be flexible. For some, simple adjustments like classroom seating changes, better sleep or reduced stress may be enough. For others, medication, behavior therapy, or a combination of these interventions may be necessary. The key is a personalized approach that adapts as patients’ needs evolve over time.
https://theconversation.com/yes-adhd-diagnoses-are-rising-but-that-doesnt-mean-its-overdiagnosed-257108?utm_medium=article_clipboard_share&utm_source=theconversation.com
A cohort study looked at over five million adults, and over 850,000 children between the ages of five and eleven, who received care at Kaiser Permanente Northern California during the ten-year period from the beginning of 2007 through the end of 2016. At any given time, KPNC serves roughly four million persons. It is representative of the population of the region, except for the highest and lowest income strata.
Among adults rates of ADHD diagnosis rose from 0.43% to 0.96%. Among children the diagnosis rates rose from 2.96% to 3.74%, ending up almost four times as high as for adults.
Non-Hispanic whites had the highest adult rates throughout, increasing from 0.67% in 2007 to 1.42% in 2016. American Indian or Alaska Native (AIAN) had the second highest rates, rising from 0.56% to 1.14%. Blacks and Hispanics had roughly comparable rates of diagnosis, the former rising from 0.22% to 0.69%, the latter from 0.25% to 0.65%. The lowest rates were among Asians (rising from 0.11% to 0.35%) and Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islanders (increasing from 0.11% to 0.39%).
Odds of diagnosis dropped steeply with age among adults. Relative to 18-24-year-olds, 25-34-year-olds were 1/6th less likely to be diagnosed with ADHD, 35-44-year-olds 1/3rd less likely, 45-54-year-olds less than half as likely, 55-64-year-olds less than a quarter as likely, and those over 65 about a twentieth as likely. This is consistent with other studies reporting and age dependent decline in the diagnosis.
Adults with the highest levels of education were twice as likely to be diagnosed as those with the lowest levels. But variations in median household income had almost no effect. Women were marginally less likely to be diagnosed than men.
ADHD is associated with some other psychiatric disorders. Compared with normally developing adults, and adjusted for confounders, those with ADHD were five times as likely to have an eating disorder, over four times as likely to be diagnosed with bipolar disorder or depression, more than twice as likely to suffer from anxiety, but only slightly more likely to abuse drugs or alcohol.
The authors speculate that rising rates of diagnosis could reflect increasing recognition of ADHD in adults by physicians and other clinicians as well as growing public awareness of ADHD during the decade under study. Turning to the strong differences among ethnicities, they note, Racial/ethnic differences could also reflect differential rates of treatment seeking or access to care. Racial/ethnic background is known to play an important role in opinions on mental health services, health care utilization, and physician preferences. In addition, rates of diagnosis- seeking to obtain stimulant medication for nonmedical use may be more common among white vs nonwhite patients. They conclude, greater consideration must be placed on cultural influences on health care seeking and delivery, along with an increased understanding of the various social, psychological, and biological differences among races/ethnicities as well as culturally sensitive approaches to identify and treat ADHD in the total population.
But the main take home message of this work is that most cases of ADHD in adults are not being diagnosed by clinicians. We know from population studies, worldwide, that about three percent of adults suffer from the disorder. This study found that less than 1 percent are diagnosed by their doctors. Clearly, more education is needed to teach clinicians how to identify, diagnose and treat ADHD in adults.
The diagnosis of ADHD should only be done by a licensed clinician, and that clinician should have one goal in mind: to plan a safe and effective course of evidence-based treatment. The infographic gives a summary of this diagnostic approach which my colleagues and I prepared for our "Primer" about ADHD,http://rdcu.be/gYyV. A key point that parents of ADHD youth and adults with ADHD should keep in mind is that there is only one way to diagnose ADHD.An expert clinician must document the criteria for the disorder as specified by either the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric Association, which is now in its fifth edition (DSM-5), or the World Health Organization's International Classification of Diseases (ICD-10). The two sets of criteria are nearly identical. These criteria are most commonly applied by a clinician asking questions of the parent (for children) and/or patient (for adolescents and adults).For children, information from the teacher can be useful. Some clinicians get this information by having the parent ask the teacher to fill out a rating scale. This information can be very useful if it is available. When diagnosing adults, it is also useful to collect information from a significant other, which can be a parent for young adults or a spouse for older adults. But when such informants are not available, diagnosing ADHD based on the patient's self-report is valid. As the infographic indicates, any diagnosis of ADHD should also assess for comorbid psychiatric disorders, as these have implications for which ADHD medications will be safe and effective. And because a prior history of cardiovascular disease or seizures frequently contraindicate stimulants. These must also be assessed.
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The report "Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder Diagnosis, Treatment, and Telehealth Use in Adults" published in the CDC's Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report provides a detailed examination of the prevalence and treatment of ADHD among U.S. adults based on data collected by the National Center for Health Statistics Rapid Surveys System during October–November 2023. This data is crucial as it offers updated estimates on the prevalence of ADHD in adults, a condition often regarded as primarily affecting children, and highlights the ongoing challenges in accessing ADHD-related treatments, including telehealth services and medication availability.
The methods used in this study involved the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) Rapid Surveys System (RSS), which gathers data to approximate the national representation of U.S. adults through two commercial survey panels: the AmeriSpeak Panel from NORC at the University of Chicago and Ipsos’s KnowledgePanel. The data were collected via online and telephone interviews from 7,046 adults. The responses were weighted to reflect the total U.S. adult population, ensuring that the results approximate national estimates. In identifying adults with current ADHD, respondents were asked if they had ever been diagnosed with ADHD and, if so, whether they currently had the condition. The study also collected data on treatment types (including stimulant and nonstimulant medications), telehealth use, and demographic variables such as age, education, race, and household income.
The results showed that approximately 6.0% of U.S. adults, or an estimated 15.5 million people, had a current ADHD diagnosis. Notably, more than half of the adults with ADHD reported receiving their diagnosis during adulthood (age ≥18 years), indicating that diagnosis can occur well beyond childhood. Analysis of demographics showed significant differences between adults with ADHD and those without; adults with ADHD were more likely to be younger, with 84.5% under the age of 50. Adults with ADHD were also less likely to have completed a bachelor's degree and more likely to have a household income below the federal poverty level compared to those without ADHD. Regarding treatment, the report found that approximately one-third of adults with ADHD were untreated, and around one-third received both medication and behavioral treatment. Among those receiving pharmacological treatment, 33.4% used stimulant medications, and 71.5% of these individuals reported difficulties in getting their prescriptions filled due to medication unavailability, reflecting recent stimulant shortages in the United States. Additionally, nearly half of adults with ADHD had used telehealth services for ADHD-related care, including obtaining prescriptions and receiving counseling or therapy.
The discussion emphasizes the public health implications of these findings. ADHD is often diagnosed late, with many individuals not receiving a diagnosis until adulthood, which underscores the need for improved awareness and early identification of ADHD symptoms across the life course. Moreover, the high prevalence of untreated ADHD and the barriers to accessing stimulant medications reveal significant gaps in the healthcare system's ability to support adults with ADHD. These gaps can contribute to poorer outcomes, such as increased risk of injury, substance use, and social impairment. The report also highlights the role of telehealth, which became more prominent during the COVID-19 pandemic. Telehealth appears to provide a viable solution for expanding access to ADHD diagnosis and treatment, though challenges remain regarding the quality of care and potential for misuse. The authors suggest that improved clinical care guidelines for adults with ADHD could help reduce delays in diagnosis and treatment access, thus improving long-term outcomes for affected individuals.
In conclusion, the study provides a comprehensive view of the prevalence, treatment, and telehealth use for ADHD among adults in the U.S. These data are crucial for guiding clinical care and shaping policies related to medication access and telehealth services. The findings underscore the importance of ensuring an adequate supply of stimulant medications and reducing barriers to ADHD care, ultimately enhancing the quality of life for adults with this condition. The good news is that many adults with ADHD are being diagnosed and treated. It is, however, concerning that many are not treated and that many of those treated with stimulants were impacted by the stimulant shortage.
For more details, see: https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/73/wr/mm7340a1.htm
The Background:
Many studies have tried to determine whether exercise improves executive function in children and adolescents with ADHD, but their conclusions have not always agreed. To bring the evidence together more clearly, the research team re-analyzed the available randomized controlled trials using a statistical approach designed to handle the kinds of data common in this field.
Executive functions are skills that help us control attention and behavior. The three core components are inhibitory control (the ability to stop or override impulses), working memory (holding and manipulating information in mind), and cognitive flexibility (switching between tasks or perspectives). Because a single study often reports multiple tests that tap these different skills, one study can contribute several related results (called effect sizes). Traditional meta-analysis typically treats each effect size as independent; when they are actually correlated, that can bias the combined estimate or force reviewers to discard useful data.
To avoid those problems, the team used a three-level meta-analysis. In this model, variance in the data is separated into three sources:
(1) sampling variance: the random error in each measured effect
(2) within-study variance: differences between multiple effect sizes reported in the same study
(3) between-study variance: differences in effects from one study to another
Accounting for all three levels makes it possible to include every eligible effect size from each study, which preserves information and statistical power and reduces the risk that correlations among effect sizes will overstate results.
The Study:
The review focused on long-term exercise interventions and also tested whether certain factors might change (or moderate) the effects. These potential moderators included participant age, which executive-function subcomponent was measured, the type of exercise, how long each session lasted, the total length of the intervention, and how often sessions occurred.
To be included, studies had to be randomized controlled trials (RCTs) of children or adolescents aged 6–18 diagnosed with ADHD. RCTs randomly assign participants to an intervention or a comparison group and are considered a strong design for testing cause-and-effect. The exercise programs had to be structured and last at least six weeks. Comparison groups varied by study and could include usual care, medication, sedentary activities, health education, waiting lists, or everyday life without the specific exercise program. Fifteen studies including 658 participants met these criteria.
The Results:
The three-level meta-analysis showed that long-term exercise interventions were associated with moderate-to-strong improvements in overall executive function. When statistical outliers were removed, the result remained positive: 13 RCTs with 598 participants showed moderate improvements. In plain terms, this suggests improvements that are noticeable and meaningful on average, not just tiny changes that are unlikely to matter in daily life.
Those moderate gains appeared across all three executive-function domains (inhibitory control, working memory, and cognitive flexibility, meaning the benefits were not limited to a single cognitive skill. The authors also examined exercise type:
“Open-skill” activities, which require reacting to changing situations (for example, many team sports, martial arts sparring, or racket sports), produced moderate-to-large improvements.
“Closed-skill” activities, which are more predictable and repetitive (for example, running or stationary cycling), showed only small, non-significant improvements in this analysis.
The review also found dose-related patterns. Interventions lasting at least twelve weeks were about three times more effective than interventions of six to twelve weeks, and sessions longer than an hour were about twice as effective as shorter sessions. Benefits were largest among adolescents aged 13 and older.
These patterns suggest that longer, more intensive programs, and those that involve open-skill activities, may produce larger gains. However, the authors caution that the overall certainty of the evidence was low. “Low certainty” means that limitations in the available studies (for example, small sample sizes, variability in methods, or possible bias) make it difficult to be confident that the observed effects will hold up exactly the same way in future research. Some subgroup findings (age, intervention duration, and others) were based on only a small number of effect sizes, so those moderator results should be treated as exploratory rather than definitive.
The Take-Away:
In short, this three-level meta-analysis suggests that regular, structured exercise (particularly longer programs and open-skill activities) may help improve executive functions in children and adolescents with ADHD. The evidence is promising but not yet strong enough to be considered conclusive, and the authors recommend more, larger randomized trials to confirm specifically which types and doses of exercise are most effective. Moreover, neither this meta-analysis or others show that exercise can replace standard treatments for reducing the core symptoms of ADHD (inattention, hyperactivity, impulsivity).
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When a patient sits down in an examination room today, their physician is rarely the first voice they have heard regarding their symptoms. More often, an algorithm got there first.
According to a nationwide survey by The Physicians Foundation conducted with Medscape, medical misinformation is no longer a peripheral nuisance; it is a daily clinical crisis. Nearly all surveyed physicians (99.9%) reported that their patients had been influenced by medical misinformation over the past year.
While misinformation affects every discipline from oncology to cardiology, few conditions sit as squarely in the algorithmic crosshairs as ADHD. From viral 30-second video clips trivializing complex executive dysfunction to predatory wellness campaigns attacking evidence-based medications, the attack on evidence directly threatens the well-being of children and adults living with ADHD.
Key Findings from The Physicians Foundation
The survey, which captured perspectives from over 1,000 practicing physicians, paints a sobering picture of how unverified information disrupts modern medicine:
The challenge is especially acute in communities already facing systemic healthcare hurdles:
As the survey illustrates, 38% of rural physicians encounter "a great deal" of health misinformation, far exceeding their suburban (21%) and urban (25%) peers. In rural and underserved regions, where access to developmental pediatricians and psychiatrists is already scarce, online narratives frequently fill the void left by provider shortages.
Why ADHD Is Ground Zero for Health Misinformation
Despite decades of neurobiological research confirming its validity, ADHD remains uniquely vulnerable to digital distortions in three distinct ways:
1. The Dueling Traps: "Life Hack" Trivialization vs. Denialism
Social media platforms host billions of views under ADHD-related tags. While digital awareness has helped destigmatize mental health, it frequently collapses nuanced clinical criteria into broad, relatable personality traits such as zoning out during a boring meeting, misplacing keys, or feeling restless.
This creates two opposing misinformation hazards:
2. Medication Stigma and Treatment Nonadherence
The survey found that 49% of doctors frequently encounter medication nonadherence and 45% face treatment refusal due to misinformation.
In ADHD care, this finding is acutely visible around stimulant pharmacotherapy. First-line stimulant medications have high response rates and extensive safety profiles spanning decades. Yet online narratives persistently frame them as dangerous narcotics, accusing parents of "drugging their children" or claiming medications permanently alter a child's brain.
Terrified parents frequently delay initiating care or discontinue effective regimens without clinical oversight, turning instead to unproven, expensive alternative supplements, unverified nootropics, or restrictive elimination diets.
3. Escalating Anxiety and Parental Guilt
With 66% of physicians observing increased patient anxiety driven by online health claims, the emotional toll on families cannot be overstated. Parents of newly diagnosed children are inundated with contradictory advice: one post warns that failing to medicate guarantees academic failure, while another claims that medicating guarantees addiction.
Adults navigating a new diagnosis experience similar distress, second-guessing their lived experiences and feeling deep shame over their executive dysfunction.
4. The 15-Minute Primary Care Bottleneck
Because pediatricians and family physicians handle most ADHD diagnoses and management, the survey’s warning that 70% of primary care providers feel hamstrung by misinformation hits ADHD patients first.
Deconstructing a viral video, explaining the difference between therapeutic stimulant dosing and substance misuse, and addressing years of internalized stigma takes time. In a standard 15-to-20-minute primary care visit, providers are forced to choose between rushing through diagnostic assessments or leaving patients' misinformed fears unaddressed.
Rebuilding the Partnership: Steps for Patients, Families, and Providers
Addressing the erosion of trust requires practical, collaborative shifts from both sides of the examination table:
For Patients and Caregivers
For Healthcare Providers and Systems
Medical misinformation thrives in the gap between a patient's vulnerability and the clinical system's time constraints. By recognizing how digital noise distorts ADHD, patients and clinicians can work together to replace viral anxiety with evidence-based care.
The Background:
Adults with ADHD often struggle more at work than their peers without ADHD. They tend to underperform on job tasks, advance less in their careers, miss more workdays, and face higher rates of unemployment. Research from several countries, including Japan, points to two main channels through which ADHD erodes workplace productivity: absenteeism, or missing work entirely, and presenteeism, showing up but performing below one’s usual capacity. Both problems typically trace back to ADHD’s core symptoms: difficulty sustaining attention, managing time, staying organized, and navigating relationships with coworkers and supervisors.
Stigma compounds these challenges. Employers and the public often have limited understanding of how ADHD manifests in adults, which can translate into unfair treatment or diminished job opportunities. That fear of judgment, in turn, discourages some people from seeking a psychiatric evaluation in the first place, delaying diagnosis and treatment, and with it, delaying access to support that could improve both their work performance and daily functioning.
Japan does offer medical care and workplace support for adults with ADHD. Options include social skills training, which teaches practical strategies for communication and collaboration; self-reliance support programs that help with daily living and job management; and, in more severe cases, a disability pension for those unable to work. Still, it remains unclear whether these employment-support services are robust enough to help people who want to work actually secure and hold onto steady jobs.
The impact of ADHD extends beyond the individual diagnosed. Supporting a family member with ADHD can be emotionally and logistically demanding, often cutting into a caregiver’s own capacity to work and earn, meaning that the economic toll of ADHD ripples outward.
The Research:
Most prior research on the economic costs of ADHD, in both children and adults, has come from the United States and Europe, focusing on medical expenses, lost productivity, and social support spending. Until recently, no one had attempted a comparable estimate for adult ADHD in Japan or elsewhere in Asia.
To address that gap, a Japanese research team conducted a cross-sectional observational study (meaning they gathered data at a single point in time and examined existing patterns rather than testing an intervention). They drew on three sources: a retrospective review of medical insurance claims, a web-based survey of affected individuals, and official government statistics. Combining these, they estimated annual costs from a societal perspective, accounting for medical expenses, lost work productivity, and government welfare spending, as well as productivity losses among family caregivers.
The claims analysis relied on JMDC, a nationwide database of insurance receipts and medical examination records spanning multiple health insurers and covering 14 million residents. Within it, the researchers identified 30,730 adult outpatients diagnosed with ADHD.
The Results:
Annual medical costs per adult with ADHD (combining outpatient visits and medication) averaged 284,000 yen (about $1,750). Scaling this figure to match the age and sex distribution of Japan’s adult population produced a nationwide estimate of 74 billion yen (about $455 million).
A separate web-based survey found that, after statistical matching, nearly half of adults with ADHD received a disability pension, yielding a nationwide estimate of 95 billion yen (about $585 million) in ADHD-related pension payments. Including public employment support services, total social welfare spending reached 390 billion yen (about $2.4 billion).
Workplace productivity losses were substantial as well. With an unemployment rate more than four percentage points higher than the general population, unemployment-related losses among adults with ADHD totaled an estimated 50 billion yen. Lower average incomes among those employed accounted for a further 315 billion yen. Once absenteeism and presenteeism were factored in, total productivity losses reached 570 billion yen (about $3.5 billion).
Family members bore a comparable burden: productivity losses among adult relatives of people with ADHD were estimated at 540 billion yen (about $3.3 billion).
Taken together, these figures point to a nationwide socioeconomic burden of 1.6 trillion yen (roughly $11 billion), equivalent to nearly $30,000 per adult with ADHD.
The Take-Away:
“This study, the first estimate of the annual socioeconomic burden of adult ADHD in Japan, underscores the necessity of providing appropriate support to adult patients with ADHD and their families and the prevention of comorbidities,” the research team concluded. “In particular, measures to support participation in the workplace to improve patients’ quality of life and reduce the social and economic burden should be explored. Furthermore, it is hoped that estimating the annual socioeconomic burden of adult ADHD will help clarify policy priorities in Japan.”
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