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September 17, 2025
Parents and teachers often ask: Does ADHD medication actually improve grades and school performance? The answer is: yes, but with important limitations. Medications are very effective at reducing inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity but their impact on long-term academic outcomes like grades and test scores is not as consistent.
In the Classroom
The medications for ADHD consistently: Improve attention, reduce classroom disruptions, increase time spent on-task and help children complete more schoolwork and homework. Medication can help children with ADHD access learning by improving the conditions for paying attention and persisting with work.
Does Medication Improve Test Scores and Grades?
This is where the picture gets more complicated. Medications have stronger effect on how much work is completed but a weaker effect on accuracy. Many studies show that children on medication attempt more problems in reading, math, and spelling, but the number of correct answers doesn’t always improve as much. Some studies find small but significant improvements in national exam scores and higher education entrance tests during periods when children with ADHD are medicated.
Grades improve, as well, but modestly. Large registry studies in Sweden show that students who consistently take medication earn higher grades than those who don’t. However, these gains usually do not close the achievement gap with peers who do not have ADHD.
Keep in mind that small improvements for a group as a whole mean that some children are benefiting greatly from medication and others not at all. We have no way of predicting which children will improve and which do not.
Medication Alone Isn’t Enough
Academic success depends on more than just reducing inattention, hyperactivity and impulsivity. Skills like organization, planning, studying, and managing long-term projects are also critical. Medication cannot teach these skills.
So, in addition to medication, the patient's treatment program should include educational support (tutoring, structured study skills programs), behavioral interventions (parent training, classroom management strategies), and accommodations at school (extra time, reduced distractions, organizational aids) Parents should discuss with their prescriber which of these methods would be appropriate.
Conclusions
ADHD medication is a powerful tool for reducing symptoms and supporting learning. It improves test scores and grades for some children, especially when taken consistently. But it is not a magic bullet for academic success. The best results come when medication is combined with educational and behavioral supports that help children build the skills they need to thrive in school and beyond.
Cortese, S., et al. (2018). Comparative efficacy and tolerability of medications for ADHD in children, adolescents, and adults: a systematic review and network meta-analysis. The Lancet Psychiatry, 5(9), 727–738.
Jangmo, A., et al. (2019). Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder, School Performance, and Medication: A Swedish 9-Year Follow-Up Study. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 58(4), 423–432.
Kortekaas-Rijlaarsdam, A. F., et al. (2019). Does methylphenidate improve academic performance? A meta-analysis and study on the role of daily practice. European Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 28(3), 357–370.
Lu, Y., et al. (2017). Association Between Medication Use and Performance on Higher Education Entrance Exams in ADHD. JAMA Psychiatry, 74(8), 815–822.
Molina, B. S. G., et al. (2009). The MTA at 8 Years: Prospective Follow-Up of Children Treated for Combined-Type ADHD in a Multisite Study. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 48(5), 484–500.
Pérez, T. V., et al. (2025). Long-term effect of pharmacological treatment on academic outcomes: a target trial emulation. International Journal of Epidemiology, 54(2).
Shaw, M., et al. (2012). A systematic review and analysis of long-term outcomes in ADHD: effects of treatment and non-treatment. BMC Medicine, 10, 99.
A German team of researchers performed a comprehensive search of the medical literature and identified 35randomized controlled trials (RCTs) published in English that explored this question. Participating children were between three and six years old. Children with intellectual disabilities, sensory disabilities, or specific neurological disorders such as epilepsy were excluded.
The total number of participating preschoolers was over three thousand, drawn almost exclusively from the general population, meaning these studies were not specifically evaluating effects on children with ADHD. But given that ADHD results in poorer executive functioning, evidence of the effectiveness of cognitive training would suggest it could help partially reverse such deficits.
RCTs assign participants randomly to a treatment group and a group not receiving treatment but often receiving a placebo. But RCTs themselves vary in risk of bias, depending on:
After evaluating the RCTs by these criteria, the team performed a series of meta-analyses.
Combining the 23 RCTs with over 2,000 children that measured working memory, they found that cognitive training led to robust moderate improvements. Looking only at the eleven most rigorously controlled studies strengthened the effect, with moderate-to-large gains.
Twenty-six RCTs with over 2,200 children assessed inhibitory control. When pooled, they indicated a small-to-moderate improvement from cognitive training. Including only the seven most rigorously controlled studies again strengthened the effect, boosting it into the moderate effect zone.
Twelve RCTs with over 1,500 participants tested the effects of cognitive training on flexibility. When combined, they pointed to moderate gains. Looking at only the four well-controlled studies boosted the effect to strong gains. Yet here there was evidence of publication bias, so no firm conclusion can be drawn.
Only four studies with a combined total of 119 preschoolers tested the effects on ADHD ratings. The meta-analysis found a small but non-significant improvement, very likely due to insufficient sampling. As the authors noted, "some findings of the meta-analysis are limited by the insufficient number of eligible studies. Specifically, more studies are needed which use blinded assessments of subjective ratings of ADHD ... symptoms ..."
The authors concluded that their meta-analyses revealed significant, mostly medium-sized effects of the preschool interventions on core EFs [executive functions] in studies showing the low risk of bias."
Monitoring the Future is a multicohort U.S. national longitudinal study of adolescents followed up into young adulthood.
The U.S. research team used data from this study to follow 5,034 twelfth graders over a period of six years, until they were 23 and 24 years of age.
Prescription stimulant misuse was assessed at baseline and each follow-up survey year by asking how often they used prescription stimulants without a physician’s orders. They were similarly asked about cocaine and methamphetamine use.
The study team adjusted for the following confounding variables: sex, race and ethnicity, parents’ level of education, urbanicity, U.S. region, cohort year, grade point average during high school, past-30-day cigarette use (at 18 years of age), past-2-week binge drinking (at 18), past-year marijuana use (at 18), past-year prescription opioid misuse (at 18), past-year prescription stimulant misuse (at 18), lifetime cocaine use (at 18), lifetime methamphetamine use (at 18), lifetime use of nonstimulant therapy for ADHD (at 18), and discontinued use of stimulant therapy for ADHD (at 18).
With these adjustments, they found that stimulant use for ADHD was in no way associated with subsequent cocaine use. In fact, it was associated with lesser odds of subsequent cocaine use, though the association was not statistically significant.
Likewise, they reported that stimulant use for ADHD was in no way associated with subsequent methamphetamine use.
On the other hand, those who used prescription stimulants without a physician’s orders were 2.6 times more likely to subsequently use either cocaine or methamphetamine.
The team concluded, “In this multicohort study of adolescents exposed to prescription stimulants, adolescents who used stimulant therapy for ADHD did not differ from population controls in initiation of illicit stimulant (cocaine or methamphetamine) use, which suggested a potential protective effect, given evidence of elevated illicit stimulant use among those with ADHD. In contrast, monitoring adolescents for PSM is warranted because this behavior offered a strong signal for transitioning to later cocaine or methamphetamine initiation and use during young adulthood.”
Noting that “little is known about whether school-level stimulant therapy for ADHD is associated with NUPS [nonmedical use of prescription stimulants] among US secondary school students,” a team of American researchers searched for answers in a nationally representative sample of 3,284 U.S. secondary schools with well over 150,000 high school students.
“Previous studies,” the authors continued, “have largely neglected school-level factors associated with NUPS among US secondary school students, including school size, school geographical location, school-level racial composition, school-level rates of substance use (eg, binge drinking), and school-level stimulant therapy for ADHD.”
In surveys, students were asked if they had ever taken stimulant medications for ADHD under a physician’s or health professional’s supervision, with three possible answers: no, yes but only in the past, and yes, currently. Responses for use in the past, and separately for current use, were combined and aggregated to the school level to reflect the percentage of the study body who used prescription stimulants for ADHD.
The surveys explored NUPS by asking, “On how many occasions (if any) have you taken amphetamines or other prescription stimulant drugs on your own—that is, without a doctor telling you to take them... in your lifetime?...during the last 12 months?...during the last 30 days?”
The study team controlled for sex, race and ethnicity, parental education, GPA, binge drinking, cigarette smoking, cannabis use, cohort year, school type, grade level, urbanicity, school size, US Census region, % of student body with low grades, % female, % with at least one parent with a college degree, % White, % binge drinking during past 2 weeks, % cigarette smoking in past 30 days, and % cannabis use during the past 30 days. The analysis also included individual-level medical use of stimulant therapy for ADHD history to estimate individual-level past-year NUPS. Finally, it included both individual-level and school-level risk factors to assess individual-level past-year NUPS.
With all these adjustments, at the individual level, both high school students presently on prescribed stimulant therapy for ADHD and those who had previously been on such prescribed therapy were more than twice as likely to engage in past-year NUPS as those who were never on prescribed stimulant medication.
Turning to the school level, in schools where 12% or more of students were on prescribed stimulant therapy for ADHD, students in general were 36% more likely to engage in past-year NUPS than in schools where none of the students were on prescribed stimulant therapy for ADHD.
This is not surprising, as it confirms that students who use prescription drugs for nonmedical often get their supply from fellow students who are prescribed those drugs.
While at the individual level, binge drinking, cigarette smoking, and cannabis use were strong predictors of NUPS, at the whole-school level they had no significant effect. A poor grade point average mildly increased risk in the individual, but high percentages of students with low grades had no effect on peer NUPS. Race and ethnicity made a difference at the individual level (NUPS significantly more likely among White students than Blacks and Hispanics), but made no difference at the school level.
The team concluded, “These findings suggest that school-level stimulant therapy for ADHD and other school-level risk factors were significantly associated with NUPS and should be accounted for in risk-reduction strategies and prevention efforts.”
The focus on children and adolescents with ADHD often revolves around behavioral issues and academic difficulties, but the social struggles are real. Around 60% of youth with ADHD experience meaningful difficulties in social skills, reading social cues, and forming reciprocal relationships with peers. Over time, these struggles can raise the risk of anxiety and depression.
Medication remains the primary treatment for ADHD, with stimulants like methylphenidate (Ritalin) being the most commonly prescribed. While effective at reducing core symptoms such as inattention and impulsivity, medication has not been shown to improve social behavior or peer relationships.
The Background:
Exercise has recently emerged as a promising adjunctive therapy. A newly published meta-analysis examined whether structured physical activity can specifically improve social functioning in young people with ADHD. It builds on a previous review from 2015, addressing gaps that earlier work left open: social outcomes were rarely treated as a primary focus, and no prior analysis had systematically compared exercise types or asked how much exercise is actually needed to see benefits.
The Study:
The analysis included 13 randomized controlled trials involving 703 participants aged 6 to 18, all clinically diagnosed with ADHD. Only exercise programs lasting at least four weeks were considered. Studies that combined exercise with other therapies, such as psychotherapy, were excluded to isolate exercise's specific effects.
The researchers used a technique called network meta-analysis, which allows different interventions to be compared against one another even when they haven't been tested head-to-head, alongside dose-response modeling to identify how much exercise produces the greatest benefit.
Results:
The most striking results came from closed-skill exercise: across four studies involving 92 participants, it was associated with a very large reduction in social dysfunction. Open-skill exercise, by contrast, showed no measurable improvement across four studies with 91 participants. Multicomponent exercise (the group combining elements of both open- and closed-skill) reported large gains in two smaller studies with 33 participants.
Mind-body exercise showed a moderate benefit across three studies involving 44 participants.
The dose-response analysis offered a practically useful finding: 30 to 60 minutes of moderate-intensity exercise per day appeared to produce the best outcomes, with a minimum of roughly 15 to 30 minutes daily needed to achieve any meaningful benefit.
The Take-Away:
The results are encouraging but should be interpreted carefully. The number of studies in each category was small (two to three studies each), and sample sizes were modest, meaning the findings may not hold up as more evidence accumulates. The absence of publication bias is reassuring, as is the use of rigorous methodology, but this remains an early-stage evidence base. Larger, well-designed trials are needed before firm clinical recommendations can be made.
For now, the findings position structured physical activity (particularly closed-skill and multicomponent exercise) as a plausible complement to existing ADHD treatment, specifically targeting the social difficulties that medication tends not to address. The practical dose guidance is a useful starting point: around half an hour of moderate daily exercise as a minimum, with an hour as the apparent sweet spot. As low-risk additions to a treatment plan go, that’s a relatively accessible bar for most families to consider alongside professional guidance.
Exercise has attracted growing attention as an intervention for ADHD. As a potential treatment option for ADHD, it is, of course, highly appealing because it can be low- to no-cost, widely accessible, and free of the side effects that can accompany medication. From previous studies, we know that certain types of exercise may be more effective than others, but do we actually know enough for clinicians to prescribe physical activity as a treatment for ADHD?
The First Study: Effects on Core ADHD Symptoms
Despite encouraging findings in individual studies, researchers have lacked clear guidance on which types of exercise work best, at what intensity, and for how long. A meta-analysis by Chen et al. set out to address this by pooling data from 20 randomized controlled trials (RCTs) involving 841 children and adolescents aged 4–18, all of which compared exercise interventions against non-exercising control groups.
The results were cautiously optimistic. Across standardized symptom scales, exercise produced a small improvement in ADHD symptoms overall. Objective cognitive tests showed a moderate improvement. Emotional and behavioral outcomes, however, showed no significant change.
To understand what was driving differences between studies, the researchers broke results down by exercise type. Therapeutic and alternative exercises (targeted movements and specific techniques such as those prescribed by physical therapists) were associated with moderate symptom improvements. Mind-body practices (such as yoga or tai chi) showed small-to-moderate gains. Conventional aerobic exercise yielded smaller effects, while skill-based competitive sports showed no measurable benefit. Notably, the variability between individual studies remained high throughout, meaning these categories should be interpreted with some caution.
Results:
The authors recommend that clinicians and parents consider incorporating therapeutic or alternative exercise sessions twice a week, each lasting 60–90 minutes, as a supplemental strategy alongside existing ADHD treatment. They stop short of calling this definitive, noting that future research should clarify how exercise produces its effects and how it might best be combined with medication or behavioral therapy.
The Second Study: Effects on Inhibitory Control
A second meta-analysis, by Zhang et al., zoomed in on a specific and particularly relevant cognitive challenge in ADHD: inhibitory control. Inhibitory control refers to the ability to suppress impulsive responses and tune out irrelevant distractions. This capacity underlies much of the restlessness, interrupting, and difficulty staying on task that characterize the condition.
This analysis drew on 34 studies with over 1,300 participants spanning all age groups, making it broader in scope than the Chen et al. review. Overall, exercise was associated with a moderate improvement in inhibitory control. When the analysis was restricted to RCTs alone, this finding held up. When studies with a high risk of bias were excluded, however, the effect size dropped to small-to-moderate.
One notable null result: three studies that used EEG to measure brain activity during inhibitory tasks found no significant effects on the neural signatures most closely tied to this process. This suggests exercise may influence behavior without necessarily changing the underlying brain mechanisms researchers expected, or that current methods aren't yet sensitive enough to detect such changes.
The dosing question produced some of the more practically useful findings. Single exercise sessions yielded only borderline small improvements. Sustained exercise programs, by contrast, showed moderate improvements, and programs with sessions three times per week produced large gains and had the strongest effect between the two meta-analyses. Exercise intensity and total program duration, perhaps interestingly, were not significant factors.
Results:
The authors are measured in their conclusions: exercise shows a real but modest benefit for inhibitory control, and frequency appears to matter more than intensity. They caution against overstating the case for exercise as treatment for ADHD overall, as it did not significantly affect hyperactivity or impulsivity as standalone outcomes, and its neural effects remain unclear.
The Broader Picture :
Ultimately, these two meta-analyses support exercise as a meaningful supplemental intervention for ADHD, particularly for attention and cognitive control, while urging realistic expectations. Neither suggests exercise should replace established treatments. Both are limited by high variability across the underlying studies, and both call for better-designed research to sharpen the guidance available to clinicians and families.
Boredom is more than just feeling restless or under-stimulated. It’s a negative emotional state that arises when activities feel meaningless or dull and, for those with ADHD, this negative emotional state might be markedly more intense. Researchers increasingly view boredom as functional: an internal signal pushing people to seek more rewarding and meaningful experiences. But for some, that signal becomes chronic and overwhelming.
People who are highly prone to boredom face a range of psychological and behavioral consequences, including anxiety, depression, difficulty identifying their own emotions (alexithymia), impulsivity, and physical complaints. These struggles often surface in harmful behaviors: overeating, substance use, compulsive internet use, and gambling.
For people with ADHD, boredom can cross into genuine distress. Many describe it as “torture” or “an itchy coat you can’t scratch”, language that conveys not mild discomfort but an urgent, almost unbearable need to escape. This makes sense given that ADHD involves core difficulties with attention, arousal regulation, and motivation, all of which make sustained engagement harder and boredom far more likely.
The Study:
A recent meta-analysis of 18 studies involving more than 22,000 participants confirmed a moderately strong and consistent positive association (an overall effect size of r = 0.40) between ADHD and self-reported boredom. All but one study found significant results, and there was no evidence of publication bias.
“While the relationship between ADHD and boredom may seem obvious,” the authors state, “this has paradoxically led to the phenomenon being understudied.”
Despite how significant this connection appears to be, the researchers noted it has attracted surprisingly little scientific attention; a gap they attribute to a widespread assumption that boredom in ADHD is simply a byproduct of inattention or impulsivity, and therefore not worth studying on its own terms. They push back on that view, arguing that boredom may be a more fundamental part of the ADHD experience: a bridge between atypical brain function and the behavioral, emotional, and cognitive difficulties that shape long-term outcomes.
The Take-Away:
Ultimately, addressing the profound boredom experienced by individuals with ADHD requires a multifaceted approach that goes beyond simply treating inattention. Researchers emphasize the need for rigorous studies to determine if stimulant medications actively reduce this intense boredom by repairing underlying brain mechanisms, rather than just as a side effect of improved focus. Beyond medication, tailored psychological therapies may offer promise; psychoeducation can help individuals reframe boredom as a biological signal rather than a personal failure or character flaw.
Additionally, another approach suggests that rather than solely focusing on treating the individual, systemic issues must be addressed, such as the effects of low-stimulation environments. For example, prioritizing a better "person-environment fit" through smaller class sizes, flexible academic pacing, and/or offering highly stimulating, novel tasks, schools and workplaces can offer meaningful relief from the chronic distress of ADHD-related boredom.
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